Unacceptable Interviewing Techniques
Analysis of a Child Interview
Provided by Allen N. Cowling
Jane Doe
A 5-Year-Old Child
Interviewed at a Children's Advocacy Center
On
September 13, 2001 and September 17, 2001
Request for Analysis
On January 11, 2002, at the request of Mr. John Smith,
attorney at law, I read the report of interviews conducted between 5-year-old Jane Doe, hereinafter
referred to as "Jane," and "Female Interviewer," LPC, Clinical Therapist, conducted
at the Unidentified Children's Advocacy Center, Inc., 123 North Anywhere Street in City, State on
September 13, 2001 and, then again, on September 17, 2001. The report I was provided with contained
basic background information the interviewer obtained prior to her interview with Jane, what was
identified as a "transcript" of the interview conducted between Jane and the interviewer and
the interviewers "findings" and recommendations.
My Basic Background
As a means of background, my name is Allen Cowling. As
of 2009, I have practiced as a private investigator for the past 40 years and have had my offices in
Jackson, Mississippi since May of 1975. In 1989, I began to devote my practice exclusively to studies
and cases dealing with false allegations of child sexual abuse. Education has included attending
numerous national seminars, a vast amount of legal research, case history studies and conducting
interviews with experts worldwide, including child advocates, judges, attorneys, medical doctors,
psychologists, psychiatrists, research specialists, professors, investigators plus prior victims of
false allegations and their families. In the past 20 years, I have actively participated in more than
300 trials and in more than 500 cases 49 states, Canada, the UK, France, Italy, Mexico, Brazil and
Japan. During the past 20 years, my profession has basically changed from that of "private
investigator," to that of a "defense strategist." My main involvement in these cases has
been to provide a defense strategy for the falsely accused. This has included psychological and
"sexual preference" testing for the accused, determining what "experts" were
beneficial and then providing those "experts," analysis of medical reports and records and
assisting in all phases pretrial and then during trial, which has included, but has not been limited
to, jury selection, preparing my client for testimony and assisting the trial attorney during
trial.
I have never attempted to qualify myself as an expert,
or to offer any expert testimony in false allegation cases, simply for the reason that the experts I do
refer are far more educated and intelligent that I would ever profess to be. My expertise is in knowing
who these experts are and in my ability to provide the proper expert for the proper area.
As to interview techniques and the testimony of
children, there are numerous qualified experts, many of whom are research psychologists. One of the
best examples is a research psychologist named Maggie Bruck, on staff at John Hopkins University in
Baltimore, MD. She and Stephen Ceci wrote the book, "Jeopardy In the Courtroom," a scientific
analysis of children's testimony. That book, published by the American Psychological Association,
is the definitive on child interview techniques and was the result of years of research and
interviews.
As with Ceci and Bruck, there are numerous other experts
who, over the past decade, have determined through careful research that improper interview techniques
can actually result in tainting a child's testimony to the point where it has absolutely no
credibility whatsoever. Improper techniques include multiple interviews of a child and the improper use
of leading and suggestive questioning during interviews. In short, these multiple interviews and
leading and suggestive questioning can prompt a child to make a false allegation or expand on
allegations they may have already made. In short, following the use of improper interviewing, how does
one determine, based on the child's statements, what is real and what was induced by one or more
interviewers?
Current Issue
While I was provided with a "transcript" of
Jane's interview, I was not provided with the product from which the transcript was made; either
audio or video tape. The problem is that the transcript, itself, is not an accurate depiction of what
actually transpired during the interview. There are too many narratives and
"fill-in-the-blanks" by whoever typed it. In addition, I had no ability to analyze the
actions of the interviewer or Jane during the interview process, vital to any proper
analysis.
Based solely only on the transcript, however, I did
detect numerous and inexcusable errors. The main theme appears to be that the interviewer had a
preconceived opinion that Jane had been sexually molested by her grandfather and she, in a completely
biased manner, used her interview simply as a means of attempting to "validate" the alleged
abuse, not to determine the truth or the real facts. This is clearly evidenced by the number of times
that Jane actually denied any abuse and denied being touched, but since that was not what the
interviewer wanted to hear, she ignored those statements and continued her barrage.
No interviewer will ever obtain the truth with
questioning such as, "Jane, did anyone touch you, did papaw touch you, where was daddy when papaw
touched you, who was there when papaw touched you, did papaw touch anyone else, did anyone see papaw
touch you - on and on. How many times is it necessary for the interviewer to keep injecting the
"theme" before the child is able to determine exactly what the interviewer wants and for the
child to be able to respond appropriately?
There are also contradictory problems noted. The initial
report states, on page 2, that there had been no change in Jane's eating pattern, yet later, in the
same report, on page 3, "Jane has experienced loss of appetite during the past week, when she
appeared not to eat like she used to." The later statement, regarding the fact that Jane's
appetite had been affected was specifically noted in an area of the report where the writer was
attempting to offer "supporting evidence" for the alleged abuse. It appeared with other
statements, such as Jane was experiencing nightmares.
Unfortunately, many biased interviewers, attempting to
validate sexual abuse, also attempt to show that symptoms, such as "nightmares or night
terrors," "bed wetting," "loss of appetite," failing in school" and a
sudden belligerent attitude on the part of the child are "characteristics" of a molested
child. The fact is, there are no characteristics or symptoms of a molested child. They simply do not
exist. That specific issue was well addressed by the Supreme Court of Mississippi in GOODSON vs.
State of Mississippi and HOSFORD.
Another interestingly point in the interview/report was
a statement identified in the initial synopsis. It was reported that Mr. Accused has a "growing
flower that grows real big and has hair." At no time during the interview did she ever refer to a
"penis" as a "growing flower," so where did that come from? Also consider several
statements made within the overall report. "Maw-Maw saw Papaw abusing Jane and told him to get
off" and her mother's own admission that Jane did not want to talk about the abuse
allegations.
In my work, during the course of the past 12 years, I
have been in a position to analyze hundreds of interviews with children who have made allegations of
sexual abuse. Normally, when I enter a case, I analyze all material, determine what problems exist, if
any, and then determine what experts would be required. Based on my study of interview techniques used,
more often than not, I usually rely on research psychologists who specialize in the suggestibility of
children such as Doctors Maggie Bruck, Debra Poole or Elizabeth Loftus. Without question and, as the
information herein depicts, there are precise standards for conducting interviews with children who
make allegations of sexual abuse. These standards have been implemented after years of study in which
it has been determined that improper interview techniques can easily taint the testimony of a child to
the point where the child has no credibility whatsoever. Whenever I attempt to assess the quality of
the interview with any child who is making sexual abuse allegations, according to accepted practice and
standards, I look for the following:
- Was the child exposed to multiple interviews? Multiple interviews
serve as a "teaching" or "coaching" tool. On many occasions, when multiple
interviews have taken place, a child's simple allegation can multiple many times. As a perfect
example of personal experience, in a case in Cleveland, Ohio, a client was accused of
"showering" with his step-daughter. The problem was, following multiple interviews, the
client was then indicted on 14 counts, (12 GSI and 2, rape). Amazingly, the "child
savers" who conducted those interviews actually believed that they were getting to the truth.
It never occurred to them that the procedure they used was actually responsible for the increased
allegations and, never once did it occur to any of them that the child might be lying. In that
case, the accused was acquitted on all charges, but there could no better example of how and why
allegations being made by a child can easily multiply.
- Were leading and suggestive questions used during the child's
interview? This technique is used, more often than not, by improperly trained or inexperienced
interviewers or interviewers who have a preconceived idea that the child they are talking with was
abused and they are seeking only to validate that which they already believe. In other words, no
child would lie about something as serious as being sexually abused so, it must have
happened.
- Was the child introduced to the concept of "good" touch,
"bad" touch and/or "secret" touch? This discussion can easily educate the child
and tell them that what the interviewer wants to discuss is something of a sexual
nature.
- Was the alleged perpetrator identified during the interview? A
child that is asked, "Did Mr. Smith touch you there," has a two-fold problem. One, the
interviewer told the child "who" they want the child to identify as the abuser and, two,
the interviewer told the child "where" the alleged abuser touched them.
- During the interview, at any time did the interviewer ever tell the
child, "Someone told me that this happened to you." This sends a clear message to the
child as to exactly what the interviewer wants and what they expect the child to say, or rather
"confirm."
- Were anatomically correct dolls and/or drawings used during the
interview? Without question, these serve as a teaching or coaching tool for the child and, in many
cases, give the child knowledge or information they may not have had prior to the
interview.
- If, during the interview, the child states that nothing happened to
them, did the interviewer continuously bombard the child with specific suggestive questions, such
as, "Did he touch you there?", "Are you sure he didn't touch you there?" or
"I'm here to protect you so you can tell me if he touched you there." This is often
seen where the interviewer has a preconceived idea that the child they are interviewing was
abused.
- What was the demeanor of the interviewer during the interview? Many
improperly and untrained interviewers will allow their reactions to tell a child they are talking
to that they either believe them or not. If, for example, one of these "child savers" is
conducting the interview, they will normally treat the child as a "victim" as opposed to
a "complainant," which, in reality, they are. When a child says something happened to
them, it is not uncommon for these interviewers to develop the posture of, "Oh, you poor
thing." A clear message to the child that they are "believed" by the interviewer.
Another example would be when the interviewer acts hostile because they do not like what the child
is saying, such as, "nothing happened." The cold, hostile demeanor quickly tells the
child the interviewer does not care for what they are saying. In that many of these children have a
desire to please their interviewer, they change their story to something that makes the interviewer
happy.
- Did the interviewer allow the child to give a free narrative? In
the greatest majority of false allegation cases, a narrative is non-existent.
- How much of what the child actually divulged during the interview
was the child's story and how much information was, in reality, supplied to the child by the
interviewer?
In this case, according to the transcript and narrative,
the interviewer violated every possible standard for acceptable interview practice and, based on the
entire report, it would be absolutely impossible for anyone to ever honestly determine if this child
was abused or if they are simply telling a story that they have been "taught." This is a
5-year-old child who has been exposed to anything but neutral and unbiased interview techniques. It
simply is not possible to know if what this child says is reality or information she has been provided
with.
The transcript provides absolute facts to the improper
interview techniques, but one must look elsewhere to determine if this child was interviewed on
multiple occasions. According to the report from the Advocacy Center, under the heading, "Reason
for Referral," on the first page, information advises that Jane was referred to the Advocacy
Center by a social worker with the County Department of Human Services. It also advises that, prior to
the interview of Jane at the Advocacy Center, Jane's grandfather, Danny Accused, had placed his
fingers in Jane's vaginal area, that oral sex had been performed on Mr. Accused, although it was
unclear by whom, and that vaginal penetration had occurred with Mr. Accused's penis.
Further in the report, under the heading,
"Background Information," information identifies that Jane was accompanied to the interview
by social worker, a sheriff's department detective and a representative of the County District
Attorney's Office.
The question is, who had previously interviewed Jane
prior to her arrival at the Advocacy Center. Depend on the fact she had been interviewed because of the
allegations about what her grandfather had allegedly done to her. At the very least, Jane talked about
her allegations to her mother, possibly other family members, a school nurse, a nurse during the time
of her medical exam at the hospital and the social worker. She most probably also talked with the
detective and the prosecutor. Amazingly though, consider carefully the wording in the report under the
heading, "Reason for Referral." Even after she had been interviewed and/or discussed these
allegations, prior to the Advocacy Center, no one could even determine "who" was supposed to
have performed oral sex on the grandfather; Jane or her brother, Chet. We were, however, provided with
two specific allegations; vaginal touching and the penile penetration by an adult male to a 5-year-old
child. Certainly, if penetration was true, we would expect a medical examination to show scaring,
tearing or lack of a hymen, depending on the depth of penetration. The fact is, the physical findings
in the medical examination showed no such evidence. The doctor, who conducted the medical examination
noted what he termed a "ruptured" vaginal area and the presence of an infection which he
automatically attributed to "sexual activity."
As previously stated, leading and suggestive questioning
was noted throughout Jane's interview and was totally improper because it actually
"suggested" to her what the interviewer wanted her to say. Amazingly, even with this leading
and suggestive questioning, again and again, the child said "no" and only changed when she
was pushed by the interviewer.
Some specific examples of the leading and suggestive
questioning used during Jane's interview were:
Interview One, September 13, 2001
- Jane, are there places no one should touch a girl? (pointing to
anatomical drawings.)
- Jane, has anyone touched you here? (pointing to the vaginal area on
the female drawing).
- Jane, has anyone ever touched your booty?
- Jane, someone said you might have got touched on your cookie
monster.
- Jane, did papaw touch you there? (pointed to the vaginal area on
the female drawing)
- Did papaw touch you with part of his body?
- When papaw touched you, what did he touch you with?
- Have you ever had to touch a boy's pee-pee?
- Someone said you got touched in your cookie monster. Is that
true?
- Jane, did someone touch your cookie monster?
- What did he touch your cookie monster with?
- Did he touch you somewhere else?
- Where were you when Papaw touched you?
- Jane, does anyone know Papaw touched you?
- Did someone touch you?
- Did Papaw touch anyone else?
- Did anyone see Papaw touch you?
- Where was Chet when Papaw touched you?
- Did Papaw touch you with part of his body?
- What did he touch your cookie monster with?
- When Papaw touched your cookie monster, did he have pants
on?
- Did he ever touch under your clothes?
- Jane, how old were you when Papaw touched you?
- What did Papaw's pee-pee do to your cookie monster?
- Jane, did Papaw touch you one time or more than one
time?
- Did he say anything about the touching?
- Did Papaw hurt you when he touched you?
- Did someone touch you when you bounce?
Interview Two, September 17, 2001
- Do you get bad touches?
- Has anyone ever given you a bad touch?
- Jane, did someone touch your cookie monster?
- Did someone touch your titty?
- Jane, can you tell me if Papaw touched your cookie
monster?
Based solely on the examples of the leading and
suggestive questions above, note that again and again, the interviewer continuously "hammers"
her "theme" to this young child, "you got touched." This is clearly evidenced by
the fact that several questions are asked repeatedly, and that was simply because Jane was not
providing the interviewer with the responses she wanted.
Interview One, September 13, 2001
- Jane, are there places no one should touch a girl? "Jane
pointed to the vaginal area on the female drawing." Without benefit of seeing the tape itself,
if Jane identified the vaginal area, she knew that was an area that should not be
touched.
- Jane, has anyone touched you here (pointed to the vaginal area on
the female drawing? "No, nobody at all." "Only my mamaw." Keep in mind that
Jane had just identified that the vaginal area of a female should not be touched and, clearly, here
she states that only her Mamaw has touched her in that area.
- Jane, has anyone ever touched your booty? "Shakes head from
side to side," No.
- What would you do if anyone ever touched your cookie monster or
booty? "Tell somebody."
- I need to know how Papaw touched you. "I don't
know."
- Show me where Papaw touched you (Presented the female anatomical
drawing). (Pointed to the eye on the female drawing) "Eye, my hair and my titties and my belly
button and that's all he touched me." "And my hands and my hair."
- Jane, did Papaw touch you there (pointed to the vaginal area on the
female drawing)? "No, he didn't."
- Did Papaw touch you with part of his body?
"No."
- When Papaw touched you, what did he touch you with? (Pointed to the
buttocks on the male drawing) And that's all he did."
- Have You ever had to touch a boy's pee-pee? (Shakes head from
side to side) "No." "Anybody I've never touched it."
- Someone said you got touched in your cookie monster. Is that true?
(Nodded head up and down) "When I pee, it hurts and Papaw does touch me." Touch you
where? "My belly button." Where else? "Cookie monster." The
"disclosure" came only after the interviewer told Jane that "someone said she was
touched in her cookie monster. Up until that point, Jane had denied any allegation of abuse. At
that point in the interview, it is identified that Jane wanted to go to the bathroom, did, but was
not there long enough to have actually used it. It appears obvious that Jane simply did not like
discussing the matter and used the bathroom as an escape, however, as soon as she returned to the
interview room, the first question from the interviewer, "Jane, did someone touch your cookie
monster?" to which Jane replied, "Yes, Papaw."
- Did someone touch your cookie monster? "Yes,
Papaw."
- What did he touch your cookie monster with? "I don't
know." Jane knew pee-pee and, allegedly had told others prior to this interview that her Papaw
stuck his pee-pee in her cookie monster and in her mouth. Also, allegedly, Jane is supposed to have
made the statement that Mr. Accused has a "growing flower that grows real big and had
hair," so quite obviously, she supposedly knew the terminology, yet when the interviewer asked
Jane what Papaw "touched" her cookie monster with, her response was, "I don't
know." When she was pushed by the interviewer for, "Did he touch you somewhere
else?" she responded, "No, he touched me somewhere, I don't know."
- Obviously, the interviewer is not satisfied with the responses she
had been getting from Jane, so, back to square 1. "Did Papaw touch you with part of his
body?" "No."
- "What did he touch your cookie monster with?" (Shrugged
shoulders) She simply had no answer.
- The interview continues with the examiner seemingly becoming
slightly frustrated. She states, "Jane, I wasn't there, so I need to know what Papaw did
to you." Jane responds, "His pee-pee," but then states Papaw "bounced her on it
and he put it on her mouth." She did not know what happened then but did say it did not taste
like anything.
- Jane was asked if she had her clothes on. She stated,
"Yes," after which she was asked if anything had happened to her clothes. She stated,
"No (continued to talk about her drawing) then said, "I think yes, but I think
no."
- Jane was asked if Papaw touched her cookie monster on her skin, on
her clothes, or something else. Jane's response was very clear. "On my clothes." She
even went so far as to say "No," when the interviewer asked her if he had ever touched
her under her clothes.
- When Jane was asked, "Where did his pee-pee touch you?"
she again shrugged her shoulders and talked about her drawing. Amazingly, based on Jane's
responses that her Papaw never "touched" her "under" her clothes, not once did
this interviewer ever even consider that the allegations about inserting his penis into her vagina
were, at the very least, suspect.
- The interviewer left the interview room to consult with the
observers and, when she returned, she asked Jane to circle all the areas on the anatomical drawing,
identifying where her Papaw touched her. She circled the breasts, vaginal area, foot, head, back
and leg. On the male drawing, she circled the eyes, hair, penis and foot. Note that the
stenographer identified the areas where Jane made the circles, but only the tape would show how the
areas were circled and what might have been said when she was circling the various body parts,
which could be vital to the case.
- After Jane circled the male and female drawing, the interviewer
immediately went back to the same line of questioning. "What did Papaw's pee-pee do to
your cookie monster?" to which, once again, Jane responded, "I don't
know."
- Continuing the interview, Jane states that Papaw's penis stayed
still, he touched her "one" time, a long time ago, that he said sorry a million times and
that he hurt her "feelings" when he touched her, but in direct response to the
interviewer's question, "Did he hurt your body?" she did say that he "hurted her
body; her cookie monster."
- When the interviewer asked Jane to tell her about Papaw
"bouncing" her, Jane pounded the eraser on the chalkboard. At that point, the interviewer
stated, "Jane, look at me." Obviously frustrated, the interviewer said, "Tell me
about Papaw bouncing." Jane told the interviewer that Papaw bounced her around and around
until she got dizzy. Jane said she was scared because she didn't want him to bounce. She also
told the interviewer that she was wearing pajamas. The balance of the interview conducted that date
was regarding the "bouncing" and produced every result other than what was desired by the
interviewer, so the interview was concluded. Amazingly, not one statement, provided by Jane during
the initial interview supported any of the allegations Jane was alleged to have made prior to that
interview.
Interview Two, September 17, 2001
- The second interview was conducted on September 17, 2001. As soon
as they entered the interview room, the interviewer asked Jane what they discussed the last time
Jane was with her. Jane's immediate response was, "Bad touchings, good touchings, bad
touches." Again, I did not have the actual tape this transcript was based, however, if this
was the immediate response from this child, without question, someone coached her immediately prior
to the second interview. The specific wording, "bad touchings," good touchings,"
"bad touches," was never mentioned or used in that manner at all during the initial
interview.
- "Do you get bad touches?" "No."
- "Has anyone ever given you a bad touch?"
"No."
- "Last time, I thought you said someone touched you."
"I don't think so." "I just thought of it, that's all."
- Jane clearly says she has not told anyone that she has had a bad
touch and then the interviewer asks Jane if she can "read" her what she said the last
time.
- Again, Jane denies that anyone has ever touched her cookie monster
or her titties.
- When the interviewer asked Jane to tell her about the tickle game,
Jane says she can't tell anyone except a police officer about the tickle game because if she
does, her Papaw will get mad.
- Continuing with the interview, the interviewer continuously pushes
Jane to tell her what happens to Papaw's pee-pee when he bounces her around on it and Jane
repeats again and again, "I don't know."
- Clearly, Jane tells the interviewer that she can tell a police
officer if anyone touches her cookie monster, titties or booty.
It would be hard to even imagine any better example of
an interview being conducted where the interviewer is attempting to "force" a story from a
child, or any interview where, without question, the child is saying nothing happened. Nothing in
either interview is even remotely supportive of prior allegations that Mr. Accused has put his penis
into Jane's vagina or mouth, yet, the interviewer, in her assessment, states that, in her opinion,
Jane was molested by her grandfather and, further, that Jane was credible in her allegations. Nothing
could be further from the truth.
Acceptable Interview Techniques
A proper interview provides every opportunity for the
child to relate his/her own version of the events. These interviews should be conducted in a
non-leading, non-suggestive, and non-contaminating manner so as to produce reliable and complete
information from the child. The interviewer does need to understand what names the child has for their
body parts and private areas, but the interviewer should never identify the body part allegedly touched
by the suspect. At no time should the child be introduced to the concept of good and bad touches, the
names of private parts and/or any other labels for any body part of the child. Allow the child to
provide the names for body parts independently, without suggestion. To reduce anxiety the child often
experiences when identifying private areas, a possible approach would be:
- Can you tell me why people wear swimming suits?
- What parts of your body does your swimming suit cover? Why should
those parts be covered?
- What do you call the body parts you use when you go to the
bathroom?
The interviewer should never identify the name of the
suspect. This should be done by the child independently. At no time should the child be interrupted
during their free narrative. If the interviewer does think of questions, contradictions or
inconsistencies, they should make a note for later reference. Under no circumstances should an
interviewer ever correct, interpret or challenge during the child's narrative phase. If the child
does stop, the interviewer should encourage them to continue with use of simple statements or
questions, such as "What happened then?"
The interviewer needs to be very patient during all
phases of the interview, tolerate pauses from the child and keep a relaxed tone during the entire
interview process. They also need to be careful in their attempt to clarify previous answers or
statements the child may have made and/or in their attempt to gain more specific information from the
child about the alleged incident of abuse. Generally, when real abuse has occurred, children will
discuss these issues, but there are some children who refuse to discuss the abuse, are unable to
provide details of the abuse, yet continue to make statements that they have been abused. Rephrasing
certain questions may provide the child with an opportunity to describe details about the alleged
incident. The interviewer should be very cautious in rephrasing questions and never introduce
information they may have obtained from any other source. Under no circumstances should any interviewer
ever tell a child that another person has disclosed details of the alleged incident to them. At no time
should the interviewer ask any question that will provide information about what was supposedly
done.
When a child does not provide any details of the alleged
abuse, but makes general statements that they have been molested, the interviewer should carefully
analyze what they are told and attempt to determine what the child has told others. This may indicate
that they have either overheard something, been coached, or are simply incapable of providing the true
aspects of the incident. Keep in mind that no child can provide details to events that never took
place.
For whatever reasons, many interviewers fail to
understand that the use of anatomical pictures and dolls are most probably different from basically
anything that the child has previously seen and the use of these are very likely to produce strong
emotional reactions in the child. They can also easily give the child the message that the interviewer
is interested in discussing matters related to naked bodies and this serves to draw the child's
thoughts, fantasies, and feelings into that path. Whether the interviewer uses the pictures or the
dolls, a significant contamination has been introduced at the outset, a contamination that already
makes it unlikely that the interviewer will truly find out whether the child has been genuinely abused.
After exposure to these pictures or dolls, one cannot know whether the child's verbalizations about
sex abuse were the result of an actual experience or were stimulated by the naked human figures.
Without question, these anatomically correct "drawings" and "dolls" serve as a
teaching or coaching tool. Consider this. An interviewer is talking to a young girl who says
"daddy put his pee-pee in my pee-pee. If the allegation is the truth, the child can easily
describe a penis simply because she has seen one. If, however, the allegation is false, possibly the
child cannot describe a penis because she may very well have never seen one. Her allegation may simply
may be the telling of a story that she was instructed to tell. The question is, could viewing an
anatomically correct drawing or doll, provide the child with the knowledge of what a penis is and where
it is located? Could viewing the drawing or doll assist the child in providing details that she never
could have provided otherwise? Unfortunately, many interviewers are nothing more than validators. In
other words, they have already accepted, at face value, the fact that the child was molested and they
are simply looking for a means to validate the abuse. These, untrained and biased interviewers will use
drawings and dolls as a means of "helping" the child make the best story possible and, it
never occurs to them that the child's allegation could be completely false. Simply put, they are
not looking for any sign that the allegation is not true because they have already accepted the fact
that it is.
On numerous occasions, these untrained
interviewers/validators appear to be totally oblivious to the important techniques in child evaluation
and treatment. Many will zero right in with their leading questions. Almost invariably, these direct
the child to talk about sex abuse. A typical example might be a three-year-old girl, who has placed her
finger in the vagina of an anatomically-correct doll. Unfortunately, many interviewers almost
invariably consider that to be "proof' that some adult perpetrator has placed his/her finger
in the child's vagina. The examiner, without any previous discussion about the child's father,
says, "Does your daddy put his fingers in you just like that?" The child may not have been
sexually abused and may never even have thought about her father doing such a thing, yet, the question
plants a seed in the child's mind that such an event could possibly take place.
Another example would be an interviewer holding up the
chart of a naked woman, allegedly to find out what names the child uses for the various body parts. The
interviewer asks, "Has your teacher ever touched you there?" The child may never have been
abused by her teacher or anyone else. The question, however, introduces the visual image of such an
encounter and contaminates all further inquiry regarding sex abuse, by the teacher or anyone else for
that matter. After that, regardless of whether the answer was yes or no, one will never really know
whether or not such an event actually occurred or if the child has responded due to fantasy after
viewing the picture and hearing the interviewers question.
Taint Hearing in Criminal Cases
Reliability is necessary in determining the
admissibility of evidence. It is a due process violation to allow the conviction of a defendant on the
basis of unreliable evidence. If children are interviewed repeatedly using suggestive and coercive
interview techniques, the child's memory of the alleged events may be destroyed by the interview
process. When this happens, the child's statements are not reliable.
Reliability must be differentiated from credibility.
Credibility implies that the speaker knows whether what is said is true or false. A person who is not
credible may be lying. Reliability, however, is comparable to accuracy. When the person's memory of
events is changed or lost, the person may not know what is true or false. When the person then gives
unreliable information, the person may not be aware of it. In such cases, the person cannot be said to
be lying. A child who has been suggestively interviewed may be unable to distinguish the memory of a
real event from that of being "taught" by the interviewer. Therefore, the testimony the child
gives is not reliable.
This is an important distinction in terms of expert
witnesses. Experts are not permitted to testify as to the ultimate issue and thus cannot comment as to
a child's credibility, but they can generally testify about factors in interviews and
investigations that risk making a child witnesses' statements unreliable.
Always consider a taint hearing:
- When the interviewers have a pre-existing bias rather than keeping
an open mind about what happened and exploring alternative hypotheses.
- When there have been multiple formal and informal (by parents,
etc.) interviews of the child.
- When the interviews are not audio taped or video taped.
- When the child is asked leading or suggestive questions rather than
asked open questions and encouraged to provide a free narrative. This is especially problematical
when the interviewer provides information to the child.
- When questions are repeated when the child denies or says "I
don't remember."
- When the interviewer uses threats, bribes, or selectively
reinforces responses of the child.
- When the interviewer criticizes or vilifies the alleged
abuser.
- When more than one interviewer questions the child.
- When unsupported interview techniques, such as anatomical dolls are
used.
- When the child has been in disclosure-based sexual abuse
therapy.
Medical Considerations in the Diagnosis of Child
Sexual Abuse
As a result of Jane's allegations, she given a
medical examination by a physician at a local hospital. According to the notes, Jane was sedated during
the exam and made no statements to the doctor regarding any abuse. The doctor's "medical"
findings were that Jane's vagina appeared "ruptured", and she appeared to have some sort
of "infection" which indicated to him that she had experienced some sort of sexual activity.
The issue here is very simple. Since the doctor was going strictly by physical findings, why was he
able to provide a specific medical opinion that the "rupture" and the "infection"
were directly associated with sexual activity. The question for him would simply be, "Are you
saying there is no disorder, other than sexual activity, that would have caused what you observed? What
basis are you attributing your findings to "sexual activity?"
There are no physical signs of abuse to be found in the
vast majority of sexual abuse cases. Medical findings supporting or proving abuse are not as clear cut
as may be expected. Many of the medical indicators advocated are frequently found in non-abused
children. The ubiquitous practice of describing completely normal examination findings as being
"consistent with abuse" is likely to be misunderstood in a courtroom as evidence supporting
an allegation. Lay people serving as jurors are particularly apt to be misled by medical experts giving
such testimony.
Doctors called upon to perform forensic sexual abuse
examinations should have up-to-date information on the range of normal for nonabused children. They
should be very cautious on how they interpret their findings, and insure that they have an empirical
basis for their claims. Children can be seriously harmed both by invasive investigative practices and
by subsequent interventions when the allegations are unfounded.
Physicians examining a child for possible sexual abuse
are likely to have been briefed by other workers who have already decided that the child has been
sexually abused. Many social workers and psychologists believe that false allegations are extremely
rare and that "children never lie about abuse," and see their role as a "validator"
that the abuse has occurred. Once a belief that sexual abuse has taken place has become entrenched,
very little can be done to sway the believers otherwise. To even suggest the possibility of a false
allegation is often to invite an emotional outburst and accusations of condoning or even colluding with
abuse. Actions and decisions may subsequently be made without scientific substantiation of the
allegations.
As previously stated, most cases of sexual abuse are
diagnosed on historical and behavioral evidence and not on physical findings, however, investigation of
sexual abuse will often involve a medical examination to look for physical evidence of abuse. Such
information will be eagerly sought by the prosecution, as physical findings represent relatively
"hard" evidence compared to psychological assessment and "disclosure" interview
findings. Also, the courts will generally give considerable weight to a physician testifying in support
of an abuse allegation.
The majority of sexual abuse cases involve activities
such as genital fondling and not penetration of the vagina or anus, and do not cause any marks or
damage to the tissues. A diagnosis of sexual abuse is therefore infrequently made solely on medical
findings. Obviously, sexual activity can be proved if an underage pregnancy has occurred, or if a
sexually transmitted disease is detected, but these are relatively rare events. Finding semen on the
genital area also indicates sexual contact, but this is only possible if the child is examined soon
after the alleged event, within 72 hours at the outside. In reality, the vast majority of alleged abuse
cases present weeks, months or years later.
If a young child does have the vagina or anus penetrated
by fingers or a penis, bruising, tearing and bleeding are likely. It seems probable that the child
would also suffer considerable discomfort for the next couple of days or so, especially when urinating
or defecating. Anal penetration, by the penis, normally results in severe pain when the child next
attempts to have a bowel movement, but keep in mind that the perineal region has a good blood supply,
and usually heals rapidly.
Whether such injuries cause permanent scars detectable
months or years later is currently being researched. McCann, Voris and Simon (1992) studied three
children who had suffered genital lacerations from a single isolated episode of assault, one requiring
suturing. They used a camera and colposcope to record their findings and followed up the appearance of
the injuries for up to three years. They found that in these cases, there was very little scar
formation and signs of damage were difficult to detect after a couple of months.
Children who have been sexually abused on an ongoing
basis may well show more obvious signs of trauma. The vaginal and anal orifices might remain more open
and show signs of scarring, although research evidence in this area is still sparse also.
Children's genital regions have not been routinely
examined in medical examinations, and until the last decade virtually nothing was written on what
normal vaginas and anuses looked like in childhood (Pokorny, Pokorny, & Kramer, 1992; McCann,
Voris, Simon & Wells, 1989; McCann, Wells, Simon, &Voris, 1990).
In 1983, Cantwell examined and measured the hymens of
nearly 250 girls under 13 years of age who were treated at a Crisis Care Unit in Denver. She reported
that 75% of those with horizontal openings greater than 4mm had been sexually abused. Four years later
she amended this figure to 80% (Cantwell, 1987). This paper is often quoted by medical experts in court
rooms and in the absence of any other studies, a horizontal hymen size greater than 4mm has been
considered an indicator of sexual abuse.
Examination of this study reveals it seriously flawed,
however. First, the method of substantiating abuse was not made clear, and appears to include a number
of girls who denied that they were victims.
Second, measuring hymenal size is not a simple
procedure, and different examiners are likely to get different results. To establish the diameter, a
child's legs must be spread at the hips and the vaginal lips gently parted to expose the hymen.
Varying the amount of lateral pressure used to part the lips will distort the shape of the hymen and
change the apparent diameter. In addition, the method used for examination, supine with labial
separation, supine with labial traction, or knee-chest, affects the measurement of the hymenal orifice
diameter (McCann, Voris, Simon, & Wells, 1990).
Hymenal shape is very variable (Heger, 1985; Hyden,
Gallagher, 1992). Some have several openings, they may be crescent-shaped, slit-shaped (horizontal or
vertical), or very irregular. The hymen might be thick and fleshy or a very thin membrane. Not only is
measurement impossible with any degree of accuracy, but Dr. Raine Roberts, Manchester, reported in the
British Medical Journal in 1989 that "the hymen can vary, in the same child, from a pinhole to a
centimeter, depending on whether she is relaxed or apprehensive, warm or cold." A medical finding
of a dilated hymenal opening must therefore be interpreted with great caution.
The diameter of an average index or middle finger is
about 15 to 20mm. An erect penis is 25 to 40mm in diameter. The hymen is not a very elastic tissue, but
even allowing for some stretching, the belief that any hymenal diameter greater than 4mm is an
indicator of abuse is not commonsense. The Royal College of Physicians (1991) states that a hymenal
diameter of 15mm is supportive of abuse, although it should not be used as the sole basis for a
diagnosis.
Unfortunately, the belief that hymenal diameters greater
than 4mm indicate sexual abuse has permeated the field. On many occasions, vaginal examinations where
hymenal sizes less than 10mm have been reported by the examining physician as indicating probable
abuse.
Examining doctors often claim that rashes and redness
around the vaginal area are "consistent with sexual abuse." While this may be technically
true, there are so many other common causes of such findings that such a claim is likely to mislead a
court into believing these findings mean sexual abuse has probably occurred. In fact, such genital
irritation is also consistent with no sexual abuse. Scratching, masturbating, inadequate washing,
irritating soaps and bubble baths, tight-fitting underpants, threadworm, thrush and other nonsexually
transmitted infections can all result in redness and irritation. So can a number of less common causes
such as foreign bodies inserted in the vagina.
Medical testimony regarding physical indications of
sexual abuse is critical. Testimony that physical findings indicative of sexual abuse exist in the
alleged victim is very powerful and cannot be underestimated by the defense. To the fact finder,
physical evidence is "real" evidence. While there may be reluctance to find abuse based upon
statements alone, there is none when there is corroborative physical evidence.
Generally, there are only two questions for the trier of
fact to consider: (1) Was the child sexually abused? and, (2) Who did it? If there is medical testimony
asserting physical evidence of abuse, it is just a short step to a finding of abuse if the child is
naming the defendant as the abuser. Also, in alleged interfamily abuse, corroborative physical findings
make it much more likely that criminal charges will be brought. Prosecutors often feel that physical
evidence is needed to meet the "beyond a reasonable doubt" burden required for criminal
conviction. Without such evidence they are much more likely to allow the case to be handled in family
or juvenile court where a "preponderance of the evidence" standard applies.
It is also important to be prepared for the unusual
circumstances that sometimes surround medical testimony in sex abuse cases. Ideally, doctors come to
court in order to give unbiased, accurate information as an aid to the fact finder. Unfortunately, in
the area of child abuse, too often the doctor acts as an advocate when delivering an opinion. Doctors
will sometimes testify that certain findings are indicative of abuse even though the doctor well knows,
or should know, that they are not. In the absence of an informed defense attorney, such evidence is
very persuasive and, if the doctor is the only one testifying on the issue, the testimony is likely to
be conclusive on the question of whether or not abuse occurred.
In order to deal effectively with medical testimony, the
defense lawyer must be completely conversant with the research on what is and is not indicative of
abuse. He or she must be aware of the importance of normality and the role of normative studies in
medicine. Incredibly, there are still many physicians practicing who are ignorant of such landmark
studies as the work by McCann and his colleagues (McCann, Voris, & Simon, 1992; McCann, Voris,
Simon, & Wells, 1989; 1990; McCann, Wells, Simon, & Voris, 1990).
A thorough and searching cross-examination is the best
tool for truth seeking, and each and every aspect of the medical evaluation should be carefully
analyzed for cross-examination purposes. The attorney must understand that physicians are not trained
as scientists. The practice of medicine is an art, not a science, although physicians may be consumers
of science. Physicians are often unsophisticated and unskilled in dealing with statistics and
causality. Even though medical testimony is often given considerable weight by fact finders, the
attorney must make it clear that physicians' expertise is limited and quite narrow.
Do not overlook a complete evaluation of the testifying
doctors. Obtain current CVs. Do a complete library search and obtain copies of anything they have
written. If you can, find out where and from whom they learned about physical examinations for sexual
abuse, who they consider authoritative on the subject and then obtain, read, and understand everything
that the doctor, their teachers, or their own recognized authorities have written. In the zeal of
advocating their position it is not unusual for doctors to contradict their own printed statements and
you must be prepared to take advantage.
Usually, doctors will be asked if they have an opinion
within a reasonable degree of medical certainty as to whether or not the examination did nor did not
indicate sexual abuse. Here, on cross-examination you must be very probing. Usually, it turns out that
the opinion is based on the totality of the exam which includes an interview of the child or a history
from a caretaker. If the history taken indicates abuse, it becomes part of the basis upon which the
opinion is formed.
This inclusion improperly slants the testimony. Doctors
are seldom expert in interviewing, and often admit on cross-examination that they assume the truth of
what the patient tells them. The testimony is presented as if the doctor's opinion is based on
physical findings when it is not. It is often largely or wholly based on statements made, a far
different basis than objective findings upon examination.
The attorney must sort out all data which contribute to
the doctor's opinion and focus in on the objective physical findings which the doctor claims are
indicative of abuse. In many cases, findings in false allegation cases have never been indicative of
abuse when examined closely. Instead, they consist of such nonspecific findings as thickened areas of
the hymenal edge, vascular changes, nonspecific discharges, irregular hymenal edges, hymenal openings
in excess of 4 mm, etc. which are all also found in large numbers of nonabused children.
Often an examination will be said to be "consistent
with" abuse. Be very careful of such a statement. The phrase "consistent with" should be
probed with vigor. If physicians make statements embodying the concepts of "consistent with"
or "typical of" they have exceeded their area of competence. These are issues of probability
and the laws of statistical inference. Physicians are not trained in these areas. Almost always,
physicians will confuse correlation with causation and assume that if something is associated with
something else it is a causal relationship. This is erroneous.
A normal exam is "consistent with" abuse since
most sexual abuse leaves no physical findings. I have seen reports which indicate "normal exam,
consistent with abuse based on history." Most exams are also "consistent with" nonabuse.
The key here is to distinguish between "consistent with" and "indicative of."
Certain findings, such as a hymenal tear, healed scars, and the presence of sperm are strongly
suspicious for abuse. Most of the findings said to be "consistent with" abuse are, in fact,
nonspecific findings which occur in nonabused children as well as abused children. This must be made
clear on cross-examination. Sometimes the doctor will go to absurd lengths to maintain the
"consistent with" argument and getting what seems a perfectly straight-forward admission can
be very difficult.
Every note, mark, drawing, and measurement in the
doctor's records must be rigorously checked and re-checked. Fundamental errors are made so to avoid
this, if the hymen was measured, determine exactly how was it measured; by eye, ruler, colposcope
scale, etc.
Myths Regarding Child Sexual Abuse
Children do not lie about their experiences of sexual
abuse; therefore, when they express such allegations, their willingness to disclose them verifies the
veracity of their statements.
- This myth profoundly underestimates the most serious problem
related to investigating allegations of child sexual abuse. Certainly, children can recall trauma
accurately (Jones & Krugman, 1986), but they can also tell the examiner what the examiner wants
to hear. It is not surprising, then, that a child involved in the Jordan, Minnesota case, which
turned out to be a tragic hoax, later admitted to fabricating stories of abuse explaining, "I
could tell what they wanted me to say by the way they asked the questions" (Aric Press, 1985;
Campbell 1992a).
- A great deal of scientific inquiry has gone in to attempting to
understand how children come to believe the preposterous and make statements about events that
never happened (e.g., Benedek & Schetky 1987a, 1987b; Ceci, 1994; Ceci & Bruck, 1993; Ceci,
Ross & Toglia, 1987a, 1987b; Cole & Loftus, 1987; Davies, 1991; Doris, 1991; Ekman, 1989;
Johnson & Foley 1984; Johnson & Howell, 1993; Loftus, 1993; McGough, 1991). Goodman and
Clarke-Stewart (1991) describe a study conducted by Clarke-Stewart, Thompson and Lepore (1989) with
5 and 6-year-old children. The children interacted with a confederate named "Chester" who
posed as the janitor and followed one of two scripts. In both scripts, Chester cleaned the room.
Following this, in one script, Chester cleaned the toys and especially a doll, while in the other
script Chester handled the doll roughly and suggestively.
- Each child was then questioned about the event by an interviewer
who was either accusatory in tone, saying Chester had been inappropriately playing with the toys
instead of cleaning; exculpatory in tone, suggesting that Chester was just cleaning the toys and
not playing; or neutral and non-suggestive. Each child was then questioned a second time by an
interviewer who either reinforced or contradicted the first interviewer.
- When the children were given a neutral interview and when the
interview was consistent with what they had observed, the children were accurate. But when the
interviewer contradicted the script, the children's stories quickly conformed to the
interviewer's interpretation. At the end of the first interviews, 75% of the children's
stories about Chester were consistent with the examiner's script and 90% of the children
answered at least some of the interpretative questions in agreement with their interviewer's
script as opposed to what happened. When the second interview was of the same type as the first,
only one child gave fewer than 6 out of 6 responses in line with the interview. When the second
interview was contradictory to the first, most children changed their answers to conform to the
second interview.
- Research by Ceci, Ross, and Toglia (1987a, 1987b) yielded similar
results. They found that children are very susceptible to modifying their story based upon an
adult's post-event suggestions, however, children are even susceptible to suggestions by older
children.
- Leichtman and Ceci report on an experiment with a character named
"Sam Stone." Sam Stone was described to 3 to 6-year-olds over a one month period as
someone who was clumsy and who broke things that belonged to others. After this
stereotype-induction period, Sam Stone visited the children's nursery school where he spent two
minutes amiably interacting with the children during story time. He did not behave clumsily or
break anything. The day after the visit, very few children accused "Sam Stone" of being
the culprit responsible for a book being ripped or a teddy bear soiled. But, after a series of
leading questions where the children were interviewed once a week for two minutes over a ten week
period, 72% of the children said "Sam Stone" had ruined at least one of the items. When
explicitly asked, 44% of the 3 and 4-year-olds said they had actually seen him do these
things.
- Perhaps the most noted of memory researchers, Elizabeth Loftus, has
explained the process of reconstruction and how people can come to believe firmly in events that
never happened. Truth and reality, when seen through the filter of our memories, are not objective
facts but subjective, interpretative realities. We interpret the past, correcting ourselves, adding
bits and pieces, deleting uncomplimentary or disturbing recollections, sweeping, dusting, tidying
things up. Thus our representation of the past takes on a living, shifting reality; it is not fixed
and immutable, not a place way back there that is preserved in stone, but a living thing that
changes shape, expands, shrinks, expands again, an amoeba like creature with powers to make us
laugh, and cry, and clench our fists. Enormous powers; powers even to make us believe in something
that never happened (Loftus & Ketcham, 1991, p. 20).
Physical examinations frequently provide reliable
evidence of sexual abuse.
- Until recently, studies comparing the genitals of sexually abused
children with those of nonabused children were characterized by their conspicuous absence. Without
normative data provided by studies of nonabused children, the significance of any physical findings
on a child suspected of being abused cannot be assessed. In 1989, Paradise estimated a false
positive rate of 65% when assessing penetration and 73% when assessing digital penetration. Since
that time, physicians all across the country have worked to determine what is normal and what is
not (Berenson, Heger, Hayes, Bailey, & Emans, 1992; Fay, 1991; Finkel, 1988, 1989; Heger &
Emans, 1990, 1992; McCann, Voris, & Simon, 1992; McCann, Voris, Simon, & Wells, 1989, 1990;
McCann, Wells, Simon, & Voris, 1990; Paradise, 1989; Paul, 1990).
- In 1987, Emans, Woods, Flagg, and Freeman found a large range of
hymenal openings in their subjects and reported that the genital findings of sexually abused girls
were similar to nonabused girls in their study. McCann and his colleagues have now conducted
research on over 300 prepubertal children who have been screened to rule out sexual abuse. They
report a high incidence of nonspecific findings such as erythema, tags, fissures, scars, adhesions,
notches, thickening, and anal relaxation in their sample of nonabused children. They have also
found a large range of vertical and horizontal hymenal orifice diameters and report that this
varies by age group and by the techniques used to examine the child.
- Prompted by this research, Coleman (1989) analyzed almost 200
medical examinations performed on children in cases of alleged sexual abuse. He reported that
almost all of the "findings" described as abuse were found in the McCann studies with
normal children. Such research has prompted the American Medical Association (1993) to issue
specific guidelines for sexual assault examinations in young children. Krugman (1989) observed the
medical diagnosis of sexual abuse usually cannot be made on the basis of physical findings alone.
With the exception of acquired gonorrhea or syphilis, or the presence of forensic evidence of sperm
or semen, there are no pathognomic signs for sexual abuse (p. 165-166).
Children who demonstrate a level of sexual knowledge
beyond their years have likely been sexually abused.
- Rosenfeld and his colleagues (Rosenfeld, Bailey, Siegal, &
Bailey, 1986; Rosenfeld, Siegal, & Bailey, 1987) stress getting normative information on
nakedness, genital touching, and bathing practices before deciding whether any of these behaviors
support a suspicion of sexual abuse. They surveyed parents of 2 to 10-year-old children and found
considerable variability in family bathing practices, although children were more likely to bathe
alone as they grew older. Touching a parent's genitals was associated with the child's
bathing with the parents, and genital touching of parents on an incidental basis was not uncommon
even among 10-year-olds. They conclude that bathing with a child or letting the child touch the
parent's genitals should not be used as evidence of sexual abuse unless these behaviors are
accompanied by more extensive and persuasive evidence of abuse.
- Haugaard and Tilly (1988) observe that 28% of male and female
undergraduates reported having engaged in sexual play with another child when they were children.
Cooke and Cooke (1991) note that bathing, toileting, blowing on a youngster's stomach, and
tickling have been distorted into sexual abuse by a parent bent on winning a custody dispute.
Friedrich, Grambsch, Broughton, Kuiper, and Beilke (1991) report a wide variety of sexual
exploratory behaviors in their sample of 880 nonabused children between 2 and 12 years of
age.
- Mannarino, Cohen, Smith, and Moore-Motily (1991) report no
differences in sexual behavior between abused girls and a clinical control group of nonabused
girls. Kendall-Tackett, Williams, and Finkelhor (1993) found that the frequency of sexualized
behavior in sexually abused children (including frequent and overt self-stimulation, inappropriate
sexual overtures toward other children and adults, and compulsive talk, play, and fantasy with
sexual content) is somewhat difficult to determine. They report that across six studies of
preschoolers (the children most likely to manifest such symptoms) an average of only 35% exhibited
sexualized behavior.
Psychotherapy can assist children to recover
previously repressed memories of sexual abuse by alleviating their repression.
- Unfortunately, psychotherapy for children thought to have been
sexually abused can convince them of their supposed abuse when, in fact, it never occurred.
(Lindsay, Johnson, & Kwon 1991; Campbell, 1992b, 1992c, 1992d). Treatment for children in these
circumstances typically involves play therapy, or other similarly expressive
modalities.
- Like any other psychotherapy orientation, the direction of play
therapy responds to the theoretical convictions of its practitioners. lay therapists endorse a
tension-reduction treatment model that enthusiastically embraces cathartic experiences. As a result
of their therapist's selective reinforcement, children in play therapy learn when they are
expressing "angry feelings" and how significant such expressions supposedly are. In
circumstances of alleged sexual abuse, play therapists will often encourage children to direct
dramatic expressions toward the supposed perpetrator; draw pictures of the perpetrator and tear
them up, or write angry letters to the alleged perpetrator.
- Such activities obviously arouse a great deal of imagination and
fantasy, and data related to source monitoring demonstrate that children frequently find it
difficult to differentiate between events they actually experienced and events they only imagined.
Play therapists also resort to a standardized interpretive formula that explains to children:
"You are experiencing A because you were sexually abused, and you are experiencing B because
you were sexually abused, and you are experiencing C because you were sexually abused."
Inundated with this kind of unrelenting propaganda week after week, and month after month, children
frequently revise their memory to conform with the input of this trusted adult.
- As early as 1975, Grice described conventions of child-adult
conversations with what was called the "principle of cooperativity." Since that time,
researchers have found that children perceive adult conversation partners as truthful and
cooperative (Garvey, 1984; Nelson & Gruendel, 1979; Romaine, 1984). Researchers have also
discovered that children provide their adult conversation partners with the type of information
they think the adult wants (Ervin-Tripp, 1978; Read & Cherry, 1978).
- Many researchers have examined the effects of misleading children
through the interview process. (e.g., Dale, Loftus, & Rathbon, 1978; Foley & Johnson, 1985;
Loftus & Davies, 1984; Loftus & Zanni; 1975). King and Yuille (1987) suggest that if an
interviewer gives signals as to what the interviewer is searching for in an answer, children are
very responsive to such signals. Relative to adults, children are more suggestible because they
find themselves in more situations in which they are unfamiliar. As a consequence, children are
likely to pay attention to anyone (especially an adult) who they believe knows how to behave in
that situation.
- Petit, Fagan, and Howie (1990) examined how an interviewer's
information about events affected their style of questioning and the accuracy of 3 to 5-year-old
children's reports. The children participated in a staged event in their school and were later
interviewed about it. Three sets of interviewers were used. The first set of interviewers was given
full and accurate details about the staged event, the second set was given inaccurate information
about the staged event, and the third set was given no information about the staged event at
all.
- All of the interviewers were told to question each child until they
found out what had happened, but were cautioned against the use of leading questions. On average,
the children were asked 50 questions each in 20 to 30-minute interviews. In this way, the children
were put under a great deal of pressure to provide information.
- Petit and others report that, despite the cautions to avoid leading
questions, 30% of all the questions were leading and 50% of these were frankly misleading.
Interviewers with no information at all asked higher and higher numbers of leading and misleading
questions. As their interviews wore on, they obtained higher and higher percentages of inaccurate
information from the children.
- Interviewers with inaccurate information asked four to five times
as many misleading questions as the other interviewers. Children who were questioned by the misled
interviewers provided the most inaccurate information. And across all groups, the children agreed
with 41% of the misleading questions.
- Benedek and Schetky (1987b) discuss how otherwise well-intentioned
examiners can mislead children. They believe that several factors can influence children to provide
misleading information: (1) adults may misinterpret what a child states; (2) the possibility of
abuse may lead to hysteria; or (3) an adult may have malicious motives. In addition, as a result of
the media coverage of sexual abuse, parents and the professional community are more likely to
suspect sexual abuse as a cause for symptom formation, even when sexual abuse has not
occurred.
- Clinical professor of psychiatry at Columbia University, Richard A.
Gardner, who has written widely on issues of child/examiner interaction, points out how
less-than-well-trained examiners can contaminate child victims. Not only do the examiners make
frequent use of leading questions, but they use leading gestures. Although leading questions can
easily be seen on the transcripts of these interviews, the leading gestures are rarely described by
the transcriber. These gestures play an important role in what is actually taking place and in the
"programming" that occurs with these dolls. Leading stimuli, which refer to dolls
(especially anatomical), body charts, and other instruments can also contaminate the interview by
encouraging the child to talk about sexual issues (1992a, p. 145).
- Leading Stimuli are instruments that are generally used in
interviewing by mental health professionals, especially psychologists and psychiatrists. They all
involve an external stimulus that serves as a focus for the interviewee's verbal response
(1992a, p. 145).
Clinical psychologist Sue White and psychiatrist
Kathleen Quinn (1988) discuss critical issues of investigatory independence in child sexual abuse
evaluations:
- External independence requires that an interviewer maintain an
objective stance of not allying himself/herself with any particular individual involved in the
investigation of the allegation. Practically, this requires the evaluator to deal equally with all
involved parties (p. 269).
- Internal independence is the evaluator's internal ability not
to be biased relative to the allegations. The lack of internal independence is exhibited in two
major categories: (1) the verbal content of the interview and (2) the interviewer's behavioral
influences (p. 270).
- Describing examiners who are in pursuit of an agenda, White and
Quinn define leading questions: "leading is used to refer to a question in which the answer is
expected to be in the question." Drawing on Black's Law Dictionary, they distinguish
"suggestive questions" where the presentation of an idea especially indirectly as through
association of ideas, bringing before the mind for consideration in the nature of a hint. The
example, "Your daddy did put his finger in your vagina, didn't he?" should be
considered leading, but a question such as "Did your daddy put his finger in your
vagina?" should be classified as suggestive (p. 271).
According to White and Quinn, "Leading should be
considered to have occurred when the interviewer introduces any material that the child has not
previously revealed to that interviewer" (p. 271). They discuss the use of "Yes-No"
questions and multiple choice questions and describe "disconfirmation" as a technique
frequently used by adults to influence a child's decisions: For example, a mother may ask,
"What do you want to eat?" to which the child responds "Candy." Dissatisfied with
that answer, she then disconfirms the child's answer by saying, "You don't want candy. How
about some soup?" (p. 273). Leading the child away from her answer, telling the child she is wrong
or simply ignoring the child's answer are all examples of disconfirmation.
White and Quinn describe the coercion that often happens
in children's interviews. They note that when interviewing suspected victims of sexual assault,
truth-lie paradigms, positive or negative rewards, repetitive questioning, and threats may clearly
"compromise the evaluation because of their directive nature" (p. 274-275). They recommend
that any fact finder assess the investigatory independence manifest in the interview process. A fact
finder must ask:
- Has the evaluator made a thorough review of all primary sources
which document the child's original complaint and made an analysis of the family history, a
psycho-social history, examined alternative explanations for the child's presenting
behaviors?
- Has the evaluator distorted the data by the pursuit of his or her
own agenda?
- Has the evaluator aided in the incorporation of data from outside
the child's experience into the child's memory of events?
- Has the evaluator contaminated the child's memory by repetitive
leading questions and gestures, causing the child to encode memory supplied by the
evaluator?
Quinn, White and Santilli (1989) discuss the impact of
physical cues, investigatory materials, and emotional interactions, such as tone of voice and nonverbal
communication. They note that many reforms have been instituted to improve the prosecutability of child
sex abuse cases. But these very reforms coupled with a zeal to "protect" children by
less-than-well-trained examiners can have confounding and contaminating results. One unpublished Hawaii
opinion ruled that two children were disqualified from testifying in a sexual abuse case, based on an
expert's opinion that each child had been subjected to layers and layers of interviews, questions,
examinations, etc., which were fraught with textbook examples of poor interview techniques. State v.
McKellar, No. 85-0553 (Haw. Cir. Ct. Jan. 15, 1983), cited in Bulkley (1989).
Based solely on the material I examined and, based on 12
years experience with child abuse investigations, it is absolutely impossible for me to give any
credibility whatsoever to the allegations made by Jane. In reality, there is not one ounce of proof
that Jane actually made the allegations. Based on everything I have read, adults claim that Jane
accused her grandfather, but I have seen nothing that indicates to me that Jane has actually said
anything, short of the interview transcripts. Even considering those transcripts, I see absolutely no
validity to the allegations, simply because it is not possible to know what allegations are hers and
what allegations were inadvertently put into her head during the entire investigative and interview
process. Clearly, the interviewer at the Advocacy Center was of the opinion that Jane had been abused,
even before she talked with Jane. She used her interview simply as a means of validating what she had
already been told and, on at least two occasions, appeared to become frustrated with Jane because Jane
was not providing the responses she desired.
Again, based on the information supplied in the report,
Jane has most probably either been interviewed or discussed the allegations with no less than 5 people
and there is no telling on how many occasions. In a case of this nature, when an allegation surfaces,
one, proper interview, conducted by an unbiased and experienced examiner, is the recommended
protocol.
In addition to questionable interview techniques, there
are other issues we have been faced with that may provide assistance to a defense attorney who may not
be familiar with the proper techniques.
Department of Human Services
- Any time social services is involved in a false allegation case, I
normally recommend that the defense attorney subpoena the Department of Human Service's Policy
& Training Manuals. These manuals normally consist of some 500 pages, but there is a great deal
of information in them and it is very rare that "social workers" actually adhere to their
own guidelines.
- As previously stated herein, depending on the participation of the
interviewed children, or lack of same, if questionable interview techniques were used by social
workers, the defense attorney should consider Motions in Limine and move for Taint or Frye-Daubert
Hearings. If statutory laws allows for a Taint Hearing, they can be invaluable whenever
questionable and unscientific interview practices of allegedly abused children has taken place,
such as leading and suggestive questions, reinforced behavior, yes-no or closed-ended questions,
forced response questions or guided imagery. The current research suggests that interviewers use
free narrative, open ended questions. Most of this research has been authored by Ceci, Bruck, Lamb,
Poole, and Lindsay. The proper way to get good information into evidence is to hold a Taint or
Frye-Daubert, pre-trial Hearing and call your suggestibility expert in to testify on the witness
stand.
- Federal Rule of Evidence 403 is another vehicle which can be used
by either the defense or prosecution to keep out information when undue prejudice versus probative
value.
Child Abuse Accommodation Syndrome
- This "syndrome" has been used excessively to explain
"denial", "recantation" and "disclosure" by children after they have
spent months in therapy. The Pennsylvania Supreme Court in Com vs. Dunkle 604 A.2d 30, 1992,
reversed the lower court and found that admission of expert testimony on this syndrome was
reversible error. The Court noted that the expert did not relate any of her testimony to the child
in question. Finding that abused children react in myriad ways and that abused and non-abused
children often exhibit similar behavior problems, the court found that the existence of a child
abuse syndrome as either a generally accepted diagnostic tool or as relevant evidence is not
supportable "and therefor inadmissible." The court also determined that the expert's
testimony failed to meet the threshold determination of relevance and probability.
Motion to Compel
- In attempting to obtain an audio/video tape, held by the
prosecution, if a Motion to Compel Production doesn't work ask for an In Camera Review by the
court and cite PA v. Ritchie, 107 S.Ct. 989, 480 U.S. 39, (1987). Use of this Motion has proven
invaluable in providing the defense with a great deal of beneficial material they would never have
seen otherwise, regardless of whether it was being held by the prosecution, social services or
others.
Defense Denied Independent Psychological
Examination
- On many occasions, where there have been multiple interviews of
children, questionable interview techniques have been used or it appears that the child may be
being "coached" by one parent to make allegations against another, I usually recommend
that the defense attorney consider a Motion for Independant Psychological Evaluation.
- See U.S. v. Rouse, U.S. Ct. Appeals, decided 11-12-96, 100 Fed.
Rptr. 3d Series, pp. 560-586. This case was landmark in its recognition of children's
suggestibilities and shoddy interview techniques and forensic pediatric examinations. Dr. Ralph
Underwager testified for the defense and the Court found that the defense was denied its right to
an Independent Psychological Examination of alleged child victim.
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